Difference between revisions of "Discourse-linked interrogative phrase"

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(Created page with 'A '''discourse-linked (or d-linked) interrogative phrase''' is an interrogative phrase like ''which man'' that implies the existence of a context set of familiar entities of th...')
 
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  (3) a. Mary asked which man [e read which book]?  
 
  (3) a. Mary asked which man [e read which book]?  
 
     b. Mary asked which book [which man read e]?  
 
     b. Mary asked which book [which man read e]?  
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===References===
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*Enç, M. (1991). The semantics of specificity. Linguistic Inquiry, 22, 1–26.
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*Pesetsky, D. (1987). Wh-in-Situ: Movement and unselective binding. In: E. Reuland & A. ter Meulen (Eds.), The representation of (in)definitess(98–129). Cambridge:MIT Press.
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[[Category:Syntax]]
 
[[Category:Syntax]]
 
[[Category:Semantics]]
 
[[Category:Semantics]]

Latest revision as of 17:23, 5 July 2009

A discourse-linked (or d-linked) interrogative phrase is an interrogative phrase like which man that implies the existence of a context set of familiar entities of the type denoted by the nominal (e.g., a set of already familiar men) (Pesetsky 1987, Enç 1991). They contrast with non-discourse linked interrogative pronouns such as who, which carry no necessary implication about familiar discourse entities.

Comment

The distinction between discourse-linked and non-discourse-linked interrogative phrases has been shown to be relevant for syntax in some cases. As Pesetsky (1987) noted, discourse-linked phrases can violate superiority:

(2) a. Mary asked [who[e read what]]? 
    b. *Mary asked [what[who read e]]?

(3) a. Mary asked which man [e read which book]? 
    b. Mary asked which book [which man read e]? 

References

  • Enç, M. (1991). The semantics of specificity. Linguistic Inquiry, 22, 1–26.
  • Pesetsky, D. (1987). Wh-in-Situ: Movement and unselective binding. In: E. Reuland & A. ter Meulen (Eds.), The representation of (in)definitess(98–129). Cambridge:MIT Press.